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Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
International Labour Organisation (ILO)
The only tripartite U.N. agency, since 1919 the ILO brings together governments, employers and workers of 187 member States , to set labour standards, develop policies and devise programmes promoting decent work for all women and men.
International Trade Union Conference (ITUC)
The ITUC represents 200 million workers in 163 countries and territories and has 332 national affiliates.
The European Minimum Wage Directive – and why it is a challenge to trade unions’ but not employers’ unity; Irene Dingeldey, Ilana Nussbaum Bitran; Economic and industrial democracy; 2024-05, Volume 45, Issue 2; pp.489-510
The proposal of a European minimum wage directive by the European Commission was supposed to improve working conditions. This article asks why such an initiative created a challenge to the unity of unions, but not of employers’ associations at transnational level. The authors provide a network analysis of the communication structure of social partners. Applying Scharpf’s concepts of positive and negative integration and Hirschman’s typology of exit, voice and loyalty, the authors use qualitative methods to show how employers stayed loyal and united towards negative integration, while different voices arose within the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) leading to the temporary ‘exit’ of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation.
Trade unions and precariat in Europe: Representative claims; Guglielmo Meardi, Melanie Simms, Duncan Adam; European Journal of Industrial Relations; 2021; Volume 27; Issue 1, pp.41-58
Trade unions have been charged with neglecting labour market ‘outsiders’, while alternative actors have emerged to represent these. In response, unions have stepped up their claim to be representative of all workers, without distinction. We review the theoretical and policy debates on this issue, and argue that representation as such has been under-theorized. We draw on Saward’s concept of ‘representative claims’ to analyse the different grounds for competing assertions of representativeness. We identify four main forms of claims, and illustrate these with empirical examples. We conclude that these different claims are mutually reinforcing in stimulating attention to the outsiders, and in their interaction with institutional settings, they have a performative effect in defining new social actors.
Trade Unions and the Process of Technological Change; Fredrik B Kostøl, Elin Svarstad; Labour economics, 2023-10, Volume 84, p.102386
We investigate how trade unions influence the process of technological change at the workplace level. Using matched employer-employee data, comprising all Norwegian workplaces and working individuals in the period 2000-2014, we exploit exogeneous changes in the tax rules for union members to identify how changes in unionization rates affect the structural composition of occupations within workplaces. Making a distinction between routine and non-routine workers, based on their estimated probabilities of being replaced by automation technologies, we show how labor unions contribute to raising the relative wage of routine workers over non-routine workers. (...)
“In God We Trust”—The Contribution of Christian Trade Unions in European Integration; Theodore Koutroukis; Religions (Basel, Switzerland ), 2023-07, Volume14; Issue 7; pp.889
Since World War II, the countries of Western Europe have gradually gone towards economic, social, and political integration. This was influenced by states, institutions, social partners, and churches. The Christian trade unions also contributed to that end. This contribution was the result of the interaction between the laborers’ religion and their desire to act collectively. Those unions followed the social doctrines of the Catholic Church and/or Protestant Churches while strongly disagreeing with socialist or communist unions. During the Interwar period, their members were subjected to the violent actions of the totalitarian governments in many European countries. (...)
Will they rise again? Four scenarios for the future of trade unions; Jelle Visser; ; Economic and industrial democracy, 2024-08, Vol.45 (3), p.629-652
With rising consumer prices, tight labour markets, a resurgence in labour militancy, and a new post-Covid appreciation of the role of government and market regulation, the conditions for renewed union growth seem favourable. But unions have to come from far. Across the OECD, unions have lost members and power, young people increasingly stay away from unions and labour markets have thoroughly changed from what they were. How likely, then, is a new era for trade unions? This article explores four scenarios for the future of trade unions – marginalization, dualism, substitution and revitalization – each grounded in a few assumptions about the environment and behaviour of unions. (...)
‘Heart of steel’: how trade unions lobby the European Union over emissions trading; Adrien Thomas; Environmental Politics; 2021; Volume 30; Issue 7; pp.1217-1236
This contribution aims to provide a better understanding of trade unions’ engagement with climate change policies. It analyses the interactions between intra- and interorganizational bargaining, taking steel trade unions’ engagement with the 2018 revision of the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) as a case study. The contribution finds that interorganizational bargaining with employers’ organizations strongly influenced the formulation of trade unions’ negotiating positions on the EU ETS. This is mainly due to the combination of three factors: the scope EU multilevel decision-making offers each level of trade union action to pursue its interests; trade unions’ lack of expertise on climate policies; and the tradition of concession bargaining in the manufacturing industry. By underlining the difficulties faced by trade unions in developing an independent course of action on the EU ETS, the contribution expands our knowledge of the socio-political obstacles to implementing effective emissions reduction policies.
The right to take collective action in EU law based on the European Pillar of Social Rights and the recent case law of the CJEU; Márton Leó Zaccaria; Pro Futura; 2019; Issue 3; pp.9-24
This paper is built around the workers’ fundamental right to take collective action and collective bargaining. Although, this right is firmly embedded in the majority of labour law systems in the social policy (meaning labour law, too) of the European Union, it is worth analysing it separately with an independent meaning. We can approach this right from the fundamental rights, the fundamental treaties or from certain directives, so we can find several questions that are difficult to answer properly. These problems are mostly catalysed by the necessary collision between the need for socially motivated legal protection and the fundamental economic freedoms. In my research, I analyse this right – along with some other connected ones – with the help of the recent case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union and the European Pillar of Social Rights because the latter highlights the holistic approach in the current reforms of EU social policy
Union Density in Norway and Sweden: Stability versus Decline; Anders Kjellberg, Kristine Nergaard; Journal of Working Life Studies; 2022; Volume 12; Issue S8; pp.51-69
The aim is to explain why union density is not only considerably higher in the Ghent country Sweden than in non-Ghent Norway but also why it has declined much more in Sweden, in particular among blue-collar workers. We show how changes to Swedish unemployment insurance in 2007–2013 were followed by a decline in union density and how white-collar unions were more successful than blue-collar unions in developing supplementary income insurance schemes that counteracted membership losses. This type of institutional explanation is nevertheless insufficient. In Norway, too, blue-collar density has decreased while white-collar workers have maintained their density rate. Norwegian data further show that even without unemployment insurance funds, it is possible to achieve a fairly high union density at workplaces with collective agreements. However, without unemployment benefits like we find in Sweden, it is increasingly challenging to establish an institutional foundation for a social custom of unionization.
The Restructuring of Finnish Trade Unions – the Growing Importance of Women; Tapio Bergholm, Markku Sippola; Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies; 2022; Volume 12; Issue S8; pp.73-88
The membership profile of Finnish trade unions has changed from male-dominated industrial workers to female-dominated service and public sector workers who are more highly educated. The Finnish labour market is strongly divided into female and male occupations and sectors, and these intersectional differences play an important part in the differentiation of developmental paths. The erosion of membership is mainly due to the rapid growth of the independent unemployment fund (YTK) competing with unemployment funds associated with trade unions. YTK has been much more successful in recruiting private sector male workers than women. Men’s decisions not to join the union are related to the shift in the motivation to unionise from social custom to instrumental reasons. Along with the gender majority shift, union identification has changed, and unions need to carry out ‘identity work’ to attain members. The shift in gender proportions has also had consequences for the collective bargaining system.
European Insiders and Outsiders? Assessing the Reaction of German and French Trade Unions to EU Austerity; Thomas Prosser; Political Studies Review; 2021; Volume19; Issue 4; pp.624-636
Though the existence of a European insider-outsider division has previously been theorised, a robust link between the actions of certain workers and the existence of such divisions has yet to be demonstrated. In this article, I examine differing reactions of German and French trade unions to austerity in Southern Europe. German and French unions reacted to austerity in a lukewarm manner, contributing to the emergence of European divides. This was particularly the case in Germany, in which the stronger position within Economic and Monetary Union meant that there were fewer incentives for solidarity. I link this development with the nature of the contemporary EU, contending that the division is related to the propensity of Economic and Monetary Union to initiate competition between national labour markets and an upturn in nationalisme.
Symbolic struggles over solidarity in times of crisis: trade unions, civil society actors and the political far right in Austria; Julia Hofmann et al. European Societies; 2019; Volume 21; Issue 5; pp. 649-671.
As a consequence of the recent financial and economic crisis, social cohesion and integration are in jeopardy all over Europe. In this context, scholars also speak of decreasing solidarity, which is defined as a normative obligation to help each other and to make sacrifices to reach common goals. By taking the empirical example of Austria, we argue that the meaning of solidarity is increasingly being contested. Various collective actors such as trade unions, civil society actors, but also right-wing populist parties are engaged in symbolic struggles over solidarity. To show this, we examine the different concepts and foundations of solidarity and analyse where and why they conflict with each other, referring to recent debates on political issues, such as the needs-based minimum benefit system and the access to the labour market for refugees.
The Emasculation of Trade Unions and Workers’ Drift to Neonationalism in Hungary; Eszter Bartha, András Tóth; Europe-Asia Studies; Volume 73; Issue 9; 2021; pp.1726-1747
Theoretically, the essay is built on Karl Polanyi’s interpretation of disembedding and Chris Hann’s application of this model to post-1989 Eastern Europe. The essay sets out to explain why trade unions failed to become a successful countermovement in the Polanyian sense of the word by analysing four sources of power available to unions. We go on to analyse the social and political consequences of this failure, demonstrating through the analysis of life-history interviews how ‘lonely fighters’ can become rightwing voters and activists, thanks to the rise of a new political culture on the shopfloor.
Unionisation and the twin transition Good practices in collective action and employee involvement; Jan Bendnorz; Audronė Saduskaite et al Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies; Directorate-General for Internal Policies, September 2022
This study overviews the impacts of the twin (digital and green) transition on the labour market and the workplace. It explores the role and presents good practice examples of employee involvement, both via social dialogue and collective bargaining and direct co-decision making, in shaping the transition at the macro and micro levels. Finally, the study summarises the main legislative and policy measures adopted at the EU level to foster employee involvement.
STOA on Employment
STOA mainly carries out its mission by conducting Technology Assessment and Scientific Foresight projects and organising events.
La grève, l’expertise et le dialogue: l’action syndicale face aux mutations du pouvoir patronal; Sociologie du travail; Pierre Rouxel; 2021; Volume 63; Numéro 2
À partir du cas d’un syndicat CGT d’une papeterie industrielle étudié au moyen de sources historiographiques et ethnographiques, cet article analyse l’évolution des registres de l’action syndicale dans le temps long des transformations économiques et gestionnaires des grandes entreprises. Envisagées dans leur épaisseur socio-historique, ces transformations bousculent périodiquement la position de l’usine dans la division internationale des activités de l’entreprise, ainsi que les formes de l’autorité patronale et de ses modes de gestion. Elles contribuent ainsi à faire évoluer périodiquement l’assise sociale du syndicat, le profil social et militant des délégués y occupant une position dominante, et les registres d’action qu’ils privilégient. À partir de l’analyse de trois séquences temporelles singulières, l’article montre que le répertoire de l’action syndicale est redevable des transformations des pratiques gestionnaires et patronales, qui orientent les manières et les temporalités selon lesquelles les délégués syndicaux se saisissent des outils à leur disposition dans l’espace des relations professionnelles et des orientations préconisées par les structures dirigeantes de leur organisation syndicale.
La difficile prise en charge par les syndicats français de la cause des "jeunes travailleurs"; Sophie Béroud, Camille Dupuy, Marcus Kahmann, Karel Yon; La Revue de l'IRES; 2019; Numéro 99; pp. 91-119
Cet article s’interroge sur la capacité des syndicats français à représenter les jeunes travailleurs et travailleuses. Dans un contexte marqué par un taux de syndicalisation structurellement faible, la proportion de jeunes salariés parmi les syndiqués est plus faible encore. La littérature s’est surtout penchée sur les raisons pour lesquelles les jeunes s’engagent, ou pas, dans les syndicats. Nous proposons ici un autre éclairage centré sur la relation de représentation entre jeunes travailleurs et syndicats. Cette relation est analysée sur trois plans. Au plan statistique, on constate un net décalage entre le profil des jeunes au travail et celui des jeunes syndiqués. Au plan symbolique, on montre que la difficulté des syndicats à parler au nom des jeunes tient aussi au caractère disputé de leur représentation entre différentes causes. Au plan organisationnel, on pointe enfin la confusion de différents registres d’intervention syndicale en direction des jeunes.
Les syndicats et le Brexit (suite), Jacques Freyssinet; Chronique Internationale de l'IRES, 2020; Volumes 169-170, Numéros 1-2; pp. 19-29.
Un précédent article de la Chronique internationale de l’IRES (Freyssinet, 2017) présentait les stratégies des syndicats britanniques pendant la campagne puis au lendemain du référendum qui a conduit au Brexit. Nous rappelons brièvement leurs positions à cette date avant d’en retracer les évolutions jusqu’au début de 2020.
O futuro do trabalho entre as vozes da academia e as perspetivas sindicais; Hermes Augusto Costa; Configurações; 2019; pp.11-27
Após uma sistematização teórica breve de alguns debates sobre o futuro do trabalho, os quais podem ser condensados sob a forma de um confronto de posições (mais críticas/ pessimistas versus mais tolerantes/otimistas), este texto fornece duas ilustrações empíricas daí decorrentes. Por um lado, apresenta-se uma experiência pedagógica inédita no espaço universitário europeu inspirada nos diálogos do centenário da OIT. Por outro lado, em resultado de um projeto de investigação, expõem-se algumas perceções de sindicalistas sobre o futuro do trabalho. Da experiência pedagógica sobressai uma visão propositiva e ousada dos jovens, ao passo que da visão dos responsáveis sindicais ecoa um maior pessimismo (mormente sobre o desafio tecnológico). Ainda assim, ambas as visões parecem convergir na necessidade de perspetivar o futuro do trabalho com base em imperativos regulatórios de sentido emancipatório.
Rola związków zawodowych w budowie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, Marcin Kazimierczuk; 2021; Civitas Et Lex; Tom 28; Numer 4, pp.29–42
Związki zawodowe są jedną z form zrzeszania się w realiach państwa demokratycznego, których istotą jest organizowanie się pracowników w celu obrony swoich interesów. Funkcjonowanie tego typu zrzeszeń, opierających się na dobrowolnej, nakierowanej nie na osiągnięciu dochodu, pracy ich członków, służących nie tylko zaspokojeniu prywatnych celów, ma znaczenie nie tylko z punktu widzenia statusu prawnego jednostki, ale również sfery życia społecznego o pewnej autonomii wobec władz publicznych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wykazanie, że tworzenie oraz funkcjonowanie związków zawodowych stanowi istotny element naczelnej zasady ustroju społecznego współczesnych państw demokratycznych, określanej jako społeczeństwo obywatelskie.
Images, travail et syndicalisme
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Die Strategien der globalen und europäischen Gewerkschaftsverbände im Handlungsfeld Menschenrechte
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Menschenrechte Im Unternehmen Durchsetzen
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European Trade Union Confederation: ETUC
The ETUC was set up in 1973 and now comprises 92 national trade union confederations in 39 countries, plus 10 European trade union federations, that represent workers in different industrial sectors, ranging from journalism and manufacturing to public services and the police.
The European Trade Union Institute
The European Trade Union Institute is the independent research and training centre of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) which itself affiliates European trade unions into a single European umbrella organisation. It provides large panoply of sources among other reports, podcasts and videos, and statistical data.
Social policy in the European Union: state of play 2021; Re-emerging social ambitions as the EU recovers from the pandemic
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The European Union is currently fighting on two main fronts, Covid-19 and climate change, though with skirmishes elsewhere – including migration and the rule of law. While science seems to be slowly gaining the upper hand in the fight against the pandemic, despite setbacks like the latest Omicron attack, Covid-19 continues to hold global society in its grip. But the second nut is even harder to crack. Climate change is rolling out its forces, in the form of floods, droughts, tornados and hurricanes, and striking indiscriminately.
With this as background, the first chapters of this year’s Bilan social analyse the pandemic’s impact on various socio-economic groups and economic sectors: as was the case in last year’s review, all chapters again consider, to a greater or lesser extent, the consequences of the unfolding public health crisis. We asked our contributors not only to analyse key developments in the EU social agenda during 2020, but also to describe EU and domestic policies between January and July 2021.
The European Social Observatory has again worked closely with the European Trade Union Institute (ETUI) and renowned external scholars to draw up this year’s edition of the book. Through this collaborative publication, we aim to contribute to the debate between policymakers, social stakeholders and the research community, while providing accessible information and analysis for practitioners and students of European integration.
European Works Councils: contested and still in the making
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Following the adoption of Council directive 94/45/EC (the EWC directive) more than 1,250 EWCs were established. This industrial relations institution was intended to ensure transnational information and consultation were available to worker representatives within MNCs that met the thresholds of the legislation. Initially the quality of information and consultation met neither standards required by the directive nor those specified in EU Charters and Treaties. In consequence, a recast directive (2009/38/EC) was adopted with the intention of remedying the shortcomings of the initial legislation. By means of survey evidence this book demonstrates that the recast directive has also failed to ensure EWC operations of the required standard. In particular, the timing and utility of information and consultation is inadequate with the result that most EWCs are institutions of information rather than information and consultation.
The book also shows that EWCs are contested institutions. BusinessEurope prefers voluntary rather than legislative solutions and, only when politically compelled, enters into meaningful negotiations on legislation with the objective of limiting the coverage of the measure and the obligations it imposes on management. Managers have also developed strategies to use EWCs to achieve corporate objectives. Consistent with these approaches European policy-makers have limited any legislative change to improve information and consultation even when research that they have commissioned illustrates the shortfalls. In contrast, trade unionists have campaigned for legislative change to ensure adequate standards of information and consultation, while also taking action to promote trade union involvement in EWCs, to articulate EWCs with other institutions of labour representation and to provide training to EWC representatives. This book traces how this contestation underpins the development of EWCs and assesses how this contestation is likely to impact the future development of EWCs.
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